The United Afghanistan (Story)
Afghanistan is made up of divided and fragmented ethnic nations. Amir Abdul Rahman Khan’s border divisions divided the Tajiks on both sides of the Amu Darya, the Uzbeks on the two sides of the Tajiks, and the Pashtuns on both sides of the Durand Line. The Hazaras, who had survived the tragedy due to their geographical location, were soon repressed and eliminated by Amir Abdul Rahman Khan, who persecuted large numbers of Hazaras to migrate to Iran, Pakistan, and Central Asia.
US President Joe Biden has repeatedly said that Afghanistan does not have the capacity to unite. He repeated these words several times before the election campaigns, during the election campaigns and after his victory. “Afghanistan is not ready to accept unity,” he told a news conference recently. Historically and the realities of current Afghan society, his words are true. But the United States, in turn, took action, or its policy, that played a key role in escalating national divisions, in the failure of democracy, and in the disappearance of other democratic values. At critical moments in Afghanistan’s history, US officials stood behind a fraudster, ignoring widespread corruption, monopolies, divisions, and ethnic hatreds during his tenure, and finally shutting down bases without informing government officials in Kabul. And left the military.
But in the case of a united Afghanistan:
“Afghanistan is this, look at history, there is nothing else in it,” said a high-ranking official of one of the countries when Afghanistan fell to the Taliban, a country and people who were stunned by its untimely nature. » “I am against my brother, I and my brother against my cousin and I and my brother and cousin against the whole world”; This is a summary of the history of Afghanistan, according to Thomas Barfield, an American Afghan scholar. For historical reasons – given what has happened in the short life of Afghanistan – Biden’s theories are in line with the historical reality of Afghan society. Afghanistan has always been a fragmented and fragmented society. “A united Afghanistan” has no historical reality. Like the whisper of his “five-thousand-year history,” it is an illusion and a lie. No one can trace the good period of national unity, empathy and “brotherhood” of the tribes in the history of Afghanistan. Because such a thing did not really exist.
Afghanistan is made up of divided and fragmented ethnic nations. Amir Abdul Rahman Khan’s border divisions divided the Tajiks on both sides of the Amu Darya, the Uzbeks as Tajiks, and the Pashtuns on both sides of the Durand Line. The Hazaras, who had survived the tragedy due to their geographical location, were soon repressed and eliminated by Amir Abdul Rahman Khan, who persecuted large numbers of Hazaras to migrate to Iran, Pakistan, and Central Asia. Coinciding with the creation of an existing Afghanistan, oppression and torture and discrimination and humiliation of ethnic and religious minorities began, which is now at its highest possible stage. The tyranny of others through the use of foreign money and weapons is something that has existed in all of Afghanistan’s historical periods. The main cause of Afghanistan’s internal conflicts is injustice, inequality and national discontent. This national discontent has pushed Afghanistan to the point of disintegration.
The reality of Afghan society has been revealed. Common memories of nations are experiencing discrimination, humiliation, forced migration and deprivation of national privileges. In the short history of present-day Afghanistan, events have taken place that Tajiks, Uzbeks, Hazaras and other oppressed nations cannot forget. Extravagance, hegemony and coercion have discouraged oppressed nations from living together with all of Afghanistan’s ethnic groups. For this reason, the issue of dividing or at least dividing Afghanistan into smaller units in the form of a federal order is something that has been whispered from under the roof to the press and writing articles and books.
When fugitive President Ashraf Ghani congratulated the cricket team on his victory, he received encouragement and love from some of the elites of the Pashtun community. Right now, some high-ranking Pashtun officials in the former government and some Pashtun women who received large sums of money from the previous government to empower women are purging the Taliban and encouraging people to work with the group. This shows that a large part of the elites of the Pashtun society ignore the rich escape, the displacement of an educated and specialized generation, the theft and destruction of an army, and finally the dream of the people of a country by his criminal gang. It has become mono-ethnic, they are happy and satisfied. Oppressed nations think that their side thinks of nothing but absolute ethnic sovereignty, and so they seek their happiness in a new political unit, or at least in autonomy.
Afghanistan’s targeting some Pashtun elites is already facing a number of oppressed nationalities: either a resumption of repression and forced relocation of Amir Abdul Rahman Khan, which has been repeated since the Taliban took office in Daikundi and other provinces, or family tyranny. Yahya, who the Taliban has announced will enforce Zahir Shah’s constitution, or an oppressive regime or a false democratic order whose nature is to discriminate and humiliate ethnic minorities.
After experiencing forced migration, inequality and national injustice, Afghanistan has reached the point where the world says that a united Afghanistan is not possible. The current situation has exposed inequality and injustice and widened its scope. Now, if the ideology of the elites on all sides is to protect Afghanistan, this requires a clear and workable mechanism. Another bloody war that will lead to disintegration is likely if Pashtun and non-Pashtun elites are not ready to agree on values, a fair division of power, and a change in political structures and institutions. Because of Afghanistan’s historical past and, more importantly, the Taliban’s view of Afghanistan and its management, other nationalities have no choice but to fight to build a separate political entity. There are now two ways to talk about both before grabbing a gun. It is necessary to go beyond all ethnic symbols that have been forcibly imposed on the people as a national identity and agree on new things that are acceptable to all ethnic groups in Afghanistan. National justice must be reproduced and distributed through new political institutions and through a decentralized democratic order to ensure national consent.
